The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is undergoing significant ideological introspection. Since 2014, its journey has been marked by great success, along with some turmoil. It has been afflicted by what can be termed the “virus of unprecedented success”. Politics has brought the RSS not only power but also a unique kind of challenge. While it has gained respect and legitimacy among a large section of Hindu society, it has also faced criticism for its perceived exclusive and divisive agenda. Despite achieving global recognition and exponential growth, it has been accused of harbouring an anti-Muslim stance. Now, it seems the RSS has decided to take a step back to prepare for its next leap forward.
Two Events
In this context, the recently held RSS Pratinidhi Sabha meeting in Bengaluru assumes great importance. Two key developments have emerged that will shape the future of Hindutva and the RSS’s trajectory. First, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is set to meet RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat in Nagpur on March 30, marking his first visit to the RSS headquarters since becoming Prime Minister. Second, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been unable to appoint its next party president supposedly because of RSS pressure. JP Nadda continues as president despite being burdened with two additional responsibilities: serving as a cabinet minister and as the leader of the house in the Rajya Sabha. These two events are closely interlinked.
Since becoming Prime Minister, Modi has centralised government machinery and is seen to have monopolised the party structure. The BJP, once known for collective decision-making even under stalwarts like Vajpayee and Advani, has seen that space shrink under Modi’s leadership. Much like Indira Gandhi, Modi has become synonymous with the party, leaving no room for autonomy.
Why RSS Feels Sidelined
This perceived monopolisation has left even the top RSS leadership feeling sidelined. Within the Hindutva fold, it was openly debated that Bhagwat had little influence. Nadda even claimed that the BJP had become self-sufficient, implying it no longer needed the RSS to win elections. Whispers within the Hindutva fold suggested that the RSS ensured that the BJP did not secure a parliamentary majority in 2024, reducing the party to 240 seats. The BJP’s failure to appoint Nadda’s successor was attributed to Bhagwat’s insistence.
Modi’s visit to Nagpur signals a truce and reaffirms the RSS chief’s supremacy within the Hindutva fold. Modi, an RSS pracharak (worker) loaned to politics in the 1980s, was tasked with strengthening the BJP. It is likely that this meeting will finalise the name of the next party president and establish a new protocol to restore the RSS’s influence over the BJP’s internal functioning. Although publicly, the RSS denies involvement in politics or control over the BJP, the reality is different. It monitors and micromanages the party through its volunteers. During Modi’s first decade as Prime Minister, the RSS lost this control, causing discontent among its leadership. Now, there is hope for equilibrium to be restored.
BJP’s Stance
The RSS is also dissatisfied with the BJP’s overtly aggressive and rabid anti-Muslim stance, at least of some leaders. The 2024 parliamentary election was the most communally charged one in history. Despite all attempts to polarise, the BJP failed to get the majority mark on its own. Bhagwat has advocated moderation, making statements like “without Muslims, Hindutva is incomplete”, “the DNA of everyone in this country is the same”, and “why search for Shivlings in every mosque”.
These remarks invited ridicule from some Hindutva volunteers, who openly criticised and abused Bhagwat on social media—a shocking development given the reverence traditionally accorded to the RSS chief. The RSS is aware that a section of its volunteers has become so radicalised that they are breaching organisational discipline, a source of pride for the RSS. If this trend is not curbed, the leadership risks being hijacked by extreme elements.
This does not mean that the RSS is ready to compromise on the core of its ideology. It seeks only a tactical retreat to consolidate its gains and prepare the organisation, including the BJP, for its next leap. To this end, it aims to cool down communal tensions and project an image of being non-confrontational. The RSS aspires to engage with every section of society. It is not opposed to Muslims and believes in reconciliation. It is no coincidence that, in Bengaluru, it stated that “the issue of Aurangzeb is not relevant”.
External Risks
The RSS has also recognised that the ideological march of Hindutva over the past decade has exposed new fault lines. Rahul Gandhi has infused fresh energy into the “Save the Constitution” campaign and the caste census debate. The movement has the potential to permanently alienate Dalits from the Hindutva narrative. Similarly, the caste census debate has reopened the wounds of the Mandal Commission, giving new life to the social justice agenda. If Gandhi, along with OBC leaders from Mandal parties, succeeds in transforming the social justice debate into a movement, it could not only harm the BJP electorally but also jeopardise the RSS’s Hindu unity project. It is no surprise that the organisation has conceded that a caste census can be conducted, but only for welfare purposes, not for political gains.
The North-South divide has also alarmed the RSS. The issues of delimitation and the three-language formula have brought the North-South debate back to the forefront of national discourse.
Future, Not Present
Over the past century, the RSS has reached the pinnacle of its success. It has thrived where its ideological counterparts, such as socialists and communists, have faltered and are now on the brink of extinction. The RSS’s success lies in its ability to blend ideology with pragmatism. The RSS understands that its “one nation, one culture” project is a civilisational endeavour that will take centuries to achieve, not just one or two generations. For Modi, the next election may be the immediate goal, but for Bhagwat, elections are important yet something that can be sacrificed for the larger cause of Hindu unity.
The Bhagwat-Modi meeting is about shaping the future, not addressing the present.
(Ashutosh is the author of ‘Hindu Rashtra’ and co-founder of SatyaHindi.com)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author